Together for An Inclusive Massachusetts and the Drop the ADL Campaign:
The Massachusetts Special Commission on Combating Antisemitism met today to discuss its draft recommendations for combating antisemitism in K-12. You can read the draft recommendations here.
The Special Commission has been the scene of some controversy - most especially the hearing in which MTA president Max Page and MTA Rank and File for Palestine founder Merrie Najimy gave testimony.
The Commission has come under fire from activist groups who claim the work of the Commission will create “anti-Palestinian racism.”
Institutionalizing Anti-Palestinian Racism in Massachusetts: An Upcoming Webinar on Why State Efforts to Combat Antisemitism are in fact Anti-Palestinian Racism
Massachusetts Peace Action Education Fund along with Together for an Inclusive Massachusetts is holding a webinar with Merrie Najimy of the Institute for the Understanding of Anti-Palestinian Racism and Nora Lester Murad, who wrote the “toolkit” on how to “
One such group is “Together for an Inclusive Massachusetts” a coalition group including CAIR-Massachusetts, National Lawyers Guild-MA, Merrie Najimy’s MTA Rank and File for Palestine, and other assorted far left groups.
Together for an Inclusive Massachusetts was formed “in response to a back-door effort to shape antisemitism policy and education in the Commonwealth that passed into state law in 2024….We reject partisan efforts to exclude Jewish people who are critical of Israel or to redefine antisemitism in a way that harms Palestinians.”
TIM’s “Points of Unity” include the following:
We oppose antisemitism, the weaponization of antisemitism, anti-Palestinian racism, Islamophobia and all forms of racism.
We believe that antisemitism cannot be addressed without confronting white supremacy and Christian nationalism embedded in the highest levels of government and the economy.
We condemn all attempts to endorse or in any way legitimize any definition that equates anti-Zionism with antisemitism; we also reject any state or institutional policy that restricts criticism of Israeli policies or analysis of Israel or Palestinian history.
While we have a diversity of opinions about Zionism, we object to the assertion that Zionism is an integral part of the Jewish religion and we condemn the accusation that opposition to Zionism is antisemitic. We oppose any efforts to restrict freedom of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.
We believe that the best way to create safety for Jews is to include the work of combating antisemitism as part of broader racial equity and social justice efforts rather than addressing antisemitism in a silo, apart from other forms of oppression. Massachusetts has some of the strongest hate crimes laws and protections against discrimination in this country.
We are committed to ensuring that the commonwealth upholds these laws, even in the face of hateful and divisive tactics from white nationalists and other bad actors both in and out of government.
Here is a photo of the TIM team:
You’ll note Merrie Najimy and Nora Lester Murad in this picture. Both women are key actors in the campaign to “Drop the ADL” from schools. In fact, Najimy spoke at the NEA RA debate on the NBI to drop the ADL. And the Massachusetts delegation voted in support of the NBI to cut ties with the ADL.
TIM has come up with their own recommendations for the Commission. You can read the full report here.
Excerpts from the report follow:
The Commission’s draft recommendations:
fail to address the most common forms of antisemitism, which include references to
tropes that suggest that Jews are money hungry or evil or have excessive power and control;
display a distrust in teachers’ expertise and their professional organizations;
fail to understand antisemitism through an intersectional lens, and instead pit Jewish students against other marginalized students; and
risk institutionalizing anti-Palestinian racism, for example, through promoting the IHRA definition of antisemitism in order to advance a political agenda.
Together for an Inclusive Massachusetts recommends the Commission:
address discrimination in a historic and political context, replacing the narrow “anti-
bias/anti-hate” framework with a holistic, systemic approach that targets the root causes of inequity;
ensure that all education about Jewish history, Judaism or antisemitism emphasizes the diversity of the Jewish community, including different points of view about Israel and the political ideology of Zionism;
The Commission took as matter of fact the ADL data, which have been widely discredited for conflating criticism of Israel as antisemitism and that are not specific to K-12 schools. The data mix real antisemitic actions (swastikas, slurs, racist jokes, bullying and harassment targeting students, etc.) with lessons about Palestine or expressions of support for Palestinians. Furthermore, these flawed ADL reports are being used to drive support for codification of the IHRA definition, which has a chilling effect on free speech. In a political environment where bigotry and discrimination are rampant, we must understand antisemitism within the political context in which it manifests. The commission’s refusal to consider increasing antisemitism alongside increasing discrimination against Black, Muslim,10 Arab, Palestinian, LGBTQ, immigrant and other marginalized groups, combined with the lack of rigorous and transparent research about the prevalence or nature of antisemitism in K-12 schools in Massachusetts, undermines the ability of state policymakers to set sound policy to address the root causes of the very serious and real problem of antisemitism and all other forms of discrimination.
Rather than explore and discuss different understandings of what antisemitism is and engage with diverse views and implications of different definitions, the “findings” take as given that opposition to the modern political ideology of Zionism is antisemitic and that speech critical of Israel or supportive of Palestinians is hateful. They further promote the false idea that calls for Palestinian liberation are traumatic for Jewish students, failing to acknowledge that many Jewish students and faculty support Palestinians as evidenced by the many thousands of Jews participating in protests against Israel’s actions in Gaza, including middle school, high school and college students. This is another example of the conflation that underlies many of the Commission’s problematic recommendations, including use of the controversial IHRA working definition of antisemitism.
They fail to engage with expert opinions suggesting that exceptionalizing antisemitism this way increases harm to other marginalized groups, divides Jewish students from other students, and can, in fact, increase negative attitudes toward Jews, including Jewish students and educators.
The flaws in the findings likely come from the circular use of some commissioners’ own unchallenged beliefs, open exhibition of anti-Palestinian Racism…
TIM Recommendations to Address Antiseemitism [sic'] in K-12 Education
Ensure that all education about Jewish history, Judaism or antisemitism emphasizes the diversity of the Jewish community, including different points of view about Israel and the political ideology of Zionism without which Jews may be inaccurately seen as one-dimensional and monolithic.
Protect students and educators from bad faith accusations of antisemitism
Schools and universities are being pressured to endorse the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s Working Definition of Antisemitism (IHRA WDA) to demonstrate their opposition to antisemitism. But redefining antisemitism in a way that conflates Jewish identity with Israel causes harm to Palestinians, justice-loving Jews, and others committed to peace with justice.
Accusations of antisemitism should not be based on disagreements about the state of Israel
Some people don’t feel safe because their core ideas are being challenged. They confuse feeling uncomfortable with being unsafe. Learning actually requires discomfort.
Sensationalizing the real problem of antisemitism foments fear that interferes with rational discourse and behavior.
As mentioned in the below transcript, at least one member of “Together for an Inclusive Massachusetts” is on the record as saying “We don’t want no Zionists here.”
Massachusetts Special Commission on Antisemitism Draft Recommendations for K-12
Who is on the Commission:
State Senator John Velis, co-chair
State House Rep Simon Cataldo, co-chair
Sate House Rep Steven S. Howitt
Chief Thomas Fowler
Appointed by Massachusetts Chiefs of Police Association, Inc.Rita Blanter
Appointed by Senate Minority LeaderRobert Leikind
Appointed by Speaker of the HouseJeremy Burton
Appointed by President of the SenateJody Kipnis
Appointed by President of the SenateJill Hai
Appointed by Massachusetts Municipal AssociationDavid Friedman
Appointed by GovernorPeggy Shukur
Appointed by Speaker of the HouseRuthanne Fuller
Appointed by Massachusetts Municipal AssociationDistrict Attorney Paul Tucker
Appointed by Mass District Attorneys AssociationAaron Polansky
Appointed by Mass Association of School SuperintendentsConstantia (Dena) Papanikolaou
Appointed by Commissioner of Higher EducationJamie Hoag
Appointed by Attorney GeneralKaren Sampson
Appointed by Commissioner of Elementary and Secondary EducationMichael Memmolo
Appointed by Mass Commission Against DiscriminationDara Kaufman
Appointed by Governor
Transcript of Commission Hearing:
Rep. Cataldo:
So that there have been very serious allegations in my hometown community where I went to school and where I represent now concerning antisemitism occurring within the school district in Concord Carlisle. When I read those allegations, what I read is a complaint that is eerily similar to so much of what we've heard from around the state from so many different communities. And in that sense, tragically what happened to a student or students at Concord Carlisle And the response is not unique, which lends credence to the need for the work that we're doing. I also want to say that the perspective that I think that we've brought principally on this special commission is a perspective that assumes that takes for granted, and this is a belief that I personally have, that there are good faith actors, people who really want to do the right thing, who are in leadership positions that in many instances lack the type of robust infrastructure and guidance and best practices that will help protect Jewish students and teachers and many others in vulnerable groups.
And there is so much urgency around the need for this special commission to do what it's doing now to try to make sure that this stuff doesn't happen it. And so that begs the question of why we have preliminary recommendations. Now, it is not standard procedure for a special commission for the state of Massachusetts to do preliminary recommendations before we arrive at a final report that we send and I'm obligated to send to the House and Senate clerks by statute. The reason that we are doing this is because we have received and welcomed encouragement from a number of high level stakeholders and civically engaged stakeholders from around the state to do this now because we need to give guidance to our communities and to the state apparatus of how to start to turn this around because it is not currently going in the right direction.
So that is why we are doing this. Now, the recommendations are preliminary in two different senses, one of which is that our statutory charges broad. It does not only include K through 12 education as those who have been following along know. And so there are preliminary in the sense that we will address other things besides K through 12 education. In our final report. We're doing this now because of the school calendar, and second, we retain the rights to make changes and additions to what we put in these preliminary recommendations. For example, we have not yet gotten to higher education or the bulk of higher education, but one issue that may impact higher education is teacher training. That happens K through 12 education is teacher training that happens in higher education. And so whereas we don't have a portion on teacher training in higher ed, and that may be relevant, that may be in our final report as it concerns K through 12 education by way of example.
And also we're going to continue to invite influence testimony. We'll continue to have public comment and folks from around the state will continue to weigh in and we'll continue to be open-minded on that as it concerns K through 12 education and every other issue. I want to point out one substantive point regarding some tension that is naturally in these recommendations, which is that in Massachusetts and I think most states, but certainly in Massachusetts, there are certain things that are within the domain of the state government and there are certain things that are within the domain of local governments and whatever is in these recommendations that tension will continue to exist. Curriculum issues in particular will continue to be largely driven on the local level. And in order to address these issues, we're going to continue to require the ardent advocacy, the support, the moral clarity, and in some cases bravery of local everyday parents, students, teachers, school committee members, administrators to speak forcefully, thoughtfully and empathetically on these issues to craft local policies that protect Jewish students and all types of students.
So in that respect, I wanted to just take a moment to thank and commend the local school committees around Massachusetts that have taken up measures recently. One of the leaders of that effort is here today, Dr. Jesse Hefter. Thank you. Thank you to your colleagues and we are going to require in order for these recommendations for the efforts of this commission to be effectual, we're going to require that type of local leadership. So I just wanted to say that. And then finally, in terms of process, the draft recommendations and they're watermarked as a draft were released to the special commission and simultaneously to the public via our website, the special commission's website on the legislature's website on Wednesday. We've already received a substantial amount of feedback today. The purpose of today is for the special commission to openly discuss proposed edits to et cetera. What we have here as a draft. That's what's happening today. We are not voting on this today. We're not finalizing this today. The finalization voting on it voting to finalize these as preliminary recommendations. Again, subject to change still, but preliminary recommendations is my intention. Our intention will happen at a later date, but also with haste and we're not ready to say exactly when. Part of that's going to come out of this discussion and we'll want to leave dexterity for whatever this discussion brings.
When we do send out a revised copy that is for that is right for a decision by the special commission, the changes from the draft to that copy will be made clear and it's my intention subject to any other person's thoughts to include a cover memorandum explaining what the changes are between the draft and what is being put out for final consideration. Thanks for listening to that. I'll turn it over to chair Velis.
Senator Velis :
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I would just begin by first welcoming everybody. It is not lost on any of us that throughout the duration of all of these hearings, the previous eight and now today, there have been so many people who have shown up here. This is not typical for hearings at the State House to have this level of consistency. So whatever your persuasions are, whatever your ideologies are, I don't care. I applaud you for being here. I think that's really, really important. Something that my good friend referenced the co-chair, my friend, the rep, it was very difficult and I can only imagine how difficult it was for my friend to read some of that report about what was going on in the recent lawsuit and what was going on in a car in your district. Some of that stuff quite literally, I don't know how other to say it. And then it just shocks the conscience that kids would take it upon themselves to treat other kids that way and the lack of response. And from these folks pushing on from that, why the K through 12? And you folks have heard me say this before? Can't hear you can't hear me. How about now? No mic is.
Can you hear me now? Yes. All right. I'm going to use my army voice now. So why the K through 12? Why we starting something that I've said before in the beginning and why I'm saying something now for me, in my heart of heart, one of the main objections of this commission, as you've heard me say before, I have a three-year-old child and right now I think what is going on in our K through 12 schools is absolutely reprehensible in terms of what is happening, the lack of things that are happening. And my hope is that the finished product here is going to result in something that members of the commission as well as the public at large will benefit from, be happy with. But most importantly, I hope it raises awareness and start to begin to prevent this world's most ancient despicable hatred. As I've said before, and this is going to sound maybe aspirational, maybe I don't know, but my hope is that when my little guy who is not Jewish walks into a bathroom or going from class to class in school, when he sees something that could be antisemitic or any form of hate that he looks at the individual and God forbid it's him who's participating in that hate, and he says to that other student, stop, that's not cool.
That is horrific because right now, as the rep said, what's happening in our schools, I have heard it from every school, every community and the nine districts that I represent, and many of my colleagues have anyone who suggests that this is not an issue. I'm sorry. You are wrong. This is a profound issue. And as I've also said before, this commission intends to follow antisemitism wherever it rears its head. We're not going to pick and choose. We're not going to do any of that. We're going to follow it. Whatever your political persuasions are, whatever your ideologies are from the right, left and everything in between. Thank you.
Rep. Cataldo:
So here's how we've decided to do this. We're going to start to my far left with Commissioner Shukur. We're going to go all the way down and when it's your turn, you have carb blanc to say whatever you want to say about these recommendations in any portion of them. My only request is that when you refer to anything that you refer to a paragraph and subparagraph number, obviously this is recorded and we and our teams are going to be combing through this recording and when we're trying to make edits to the extent that our edits based on your comments, we're going to need the guidance of what exactly you're referring to. So we just ask that you keep your comments as fused to the language to the extent that you have constructive comments as you possibly can. No, of course. I'm not saying that you shouldn't say X, Y and Z isn't in here at all and needs to be in your, certainly those comments are welcome as well. Commissioner
Commissioner Shukur:
Wasn't quite expecting that, but I will get going because I first of all just actually want to thank the chairs for really listening to the many, many hours of testimony that we've heard and synthesizing things into something that's really quite actionable and that reflects that antisemitism is a real and present problem in Massachusetts and that we have the capacity as a state to make some progress in combating it. I'm going to limit my comments really. They're from the perspective of how we identify what's happening in K through 12 schools. So I will try to synthesize some of my many comments here on just in the interest of time. My one recommendation is that in K through 12 schools, the universe of incidents of antisemitism may be incidents that aren't crimes and certainly don't reach the level of hate crimes. And I think stating that at the outset is a very good framing because many people use terms like hate crimes interchangeably with incidents, all of which are harmful but in different ways and more importantly require different responses. So one recommendation to the initial findings is just to set out that distinction. The second piece, and something that we've talked about in her testimony on is just related to the rise in anti-Semitic incidents and the whole universe in schools over many years in Massachusetts is something that can't be explained just due to additional reporting of incidents. And I think it's important to acknowledge that there has been an actual increase as well that can't be explained for that reason.
Moving through, and that's in the finding section. I would recommend that in section five about the piece about under-reporting, which is a significant problem as we've heard that we also add in something to the point that sometimes schools don't report or communicate because they think either it will reflect poorly on the district or that they're confused about what they can publicly report vis-a-vis privacy concerns. And that's something where I know that the attorney general's guidance that's reflected elsewhere here is designed to help bridge, but that might be a useful piece to clarify In section five, I'm going to actually move up to 0.3 in the findings as one of the final points I want to raise right now. The draft talks about antisemitism is a unique type of hate, and I think a better word might be distinct form of hate. One of the items that we've heard a lot of testimony on is that antisemitism often isn't elevated to the same level of hate as other types of identity based bias. And so I think distinct and legitimate type of hate or worthy of legitimate attention would be a useful clarifying comment in that section.
In terms of the recommendations, recommendations, my overall point there is to have a stronger link between the proposed bias reporting system and referral to mental health services and victim assistance services, particularly in the K through 12 setting. Those are important services, not really just for antisemitism, but any forms of identity based bias. The first step really should not be to, and with all due respect Commissioner Fowler to go to the police in a school setting, but to actually look at the impact on the victims of antisemitism. So at this point, I think I will just turn the mic over to my colleague, commissioner Hoag to continue.
Rep. Cataldo:
Commissioner, you already hear what you have to say. I just wanted to also note in the room, and sometimes it can be tricky to make certain acknowledgements, but I can't not acknowledge the fact that we have the board of elementary and secondary education chair, Bessie Chair, Catherine Craven here and Vice Chair Matt Hills. Thank you so much for being here for your engagement chair. Craven has testified before this commission and we really appreciate your support and allyship, so thank you.
Commisioner Shukur :
I'm going to take the mic back for one minute because there was one other point that I actually want to make sure to raise early, and that is there's an opportunity I think for in the last pillar of what is in these recommendations to specifically mention active bystander training, which would be I think an enhancement for school culture issues and creating that atmosphere that Chair Velis spoke about where people have the skills to speak out when they see this type of hate.
Commissioner Hoag:
Sure. You want it? Do you want me to want it back? No. Okay, good. Thank you very much. I appreciate the work that went into these draft recommendations. I also appreciate the outreach that I've received and many commissioners have received from the public around these recommendations. I appreciate the input and the time people are taking out of their busy schedules to express their opinion and engage in this process. So I want to thank everyone for that. I have two very specific edits here that I'd like to propose. One in the first part, in the initial findings we referenced the Boston Globe article. Violent crime went down last year, Massachusetts anti-Jewish Hate Crime spiked. I think it's important to also cite in that part the EOPS Executive Office of Public Safety and Security Report. That was the foundation of that article that talked about that spike. I think it's important that the state Commission that we rely on primary sources and look at the work that other state agencies have done in this space. I think we should cite that and use that as another actual important data point beyond others that are listed in the document.
I would also want to focus on, if I can turn ahead, I'm going to skip ahead here to 3D that talks about the guidance that or the language currently reads. I'll just read it. Dese should coordinate with the Attorney General's office to make existing law and the cites general law chapter 71, section 82 around First Amendment considerations, clear and readily available to schools. I'd like to tweak that a little bit so that it's clear the First Amendment is very important to our office as we execute, as we enforce the Massachusetts anti-bullying anti hate laws. As my colleague Jonathan Burke did a thorough presentation around the boundaries and existing lines of the current landscape of First Amendment law, what constitutes hate speech, what constitutes a hate crime? So I think that that's important. I appreciate the chairs of putting that in there and making sure that we provide that thoughtful guidance.
I just want to clarify it and I would propose that that section be rewritten to say DESE should coordinate with the Attorney General's office to provide schools clear guidance around First Amendment law, including students', right? The free expression has provided in Mass General Law chapter 71, section 7 82, and also cite to my colleague, assistant Attorney General Jonathan Burke's testimony that he presented earlier this year, late last year around the First Amendment and what constitute hate speech and what is actionable hate crimes. I think it's important that we make that distinction in these recommendations. Crystal clear? Well, that's all I had for now, and I just appreciate your time and I appreciate your allowing me to share those two.
Commissioner Friedman:
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I'd like to speak for a few minutes to explain why I wholeheartedly embrace these preliminary findings and recommendations, and to give a sense to my fellow commissioners. We haven't had a chance to debate and discuss these things, why I support them, and also to share with stakeholders and people who are watching my position, but to first thank the co-chairs, Senator Velis, representative Cataldo for your tremendous leadership to take on the complex charge of dealing with antisemitism, this enormous issue to lead us with skill and grace and strategic focus to run an incredible process, and now to bring us to a point where we can have some urgency to address issues. Now, I think you've done a tremendous job. It's been great to work for you and with you and for this entire commission. And by the way, you've led an extraordinarily open inclusive process where we've included and welcomed speakers from all kinds of perspectives, including some extreme views, and you've entirely welcomed all.
And Governor Healy who appointed me to this commission always talks about success as a team effort. And this commission is an incredible team. If you look at the people here and those who aren't with us today of Jews and non-Jews of Democrats, actually a lot of Democrats and Republicans, people across the political spectrum, people from Greater Boston and from outside of Boston, people from government, from nonprofit, from the private sector with great expertise. And I think it's pretty impressive that we're moving forward with what I think is going to be a great deal of consensus. Before I offer my couple of thoughts about these recommendations, just I think it's important to look at the context. You mentioned the context of K through 12, but since we first met last October, our world has changed in a lot of scary ways. And all of us think about those ways, and one of those ways is there has been an escalation of antisemitic incidents in Massachusetts and nationally, and there's been a serious increase in violence, serious violence, and I'm thinking about the terrorist fire bombing of the Pennsylvania Jewish Governor's home by someone who said he did it because of the governor's stance on Israel Palestine issues.
Then the murder by a terrorist in DC of two peace activists outside the Jewish Museum where the terrorists said, I did it for Palestine, I did it for Gaza, the Boulder terrorist attack against a group of Jews rallying for hostages who shattered free Palestine here in Massachusetts, thankfully not involving death, a brick thrown through the glass window of a Jewish kosher store where many of us shop the brick says Free Palestine. And so these are hate crimes, and they should be labeled as Jew hatred, not just political protest. So that's the context in which we come today. We studied issues for nine months now, and I think we're prepared to go forward. And I have three specific comments, but framed with the overarching approach that I believe that what we're doing here fosters democracy and pluralism and dialogue and the kind of Massachusetts that we all aspire to be.
That's a place that's inclusive and that respects and protects all vulnerable populations that have faced hate and discrimination, everyone. And this is the Massachusetts way to attack and address ignorance and bias and hatred to use education as Chair Velis said, and proper enforcement of existing law on harassment and bullying and discrimination, but not to use censorship and not to impinge on First Amendment rights. I do agree with my fellow commissioner. So just three points. The first is, I believe as we've found and as we've seen that there is a lot of misunderstanding about antisemitism itself. Antisemitism, as my fellow commissioner said, is a distinct form of hate. It's manifested over centuries and millennia and it shape shifts. There's different forms of it from saying Jews are dirty, so Jews are too powerful. Jews are a problem and infect us, and they're not pure to Jews control everything. We've seen all kinds of types of antisemitism over history.
And here in Massachusetts in our work in K through 12, we've seen the classic forms swastikas, celebration of Hitler and more contemporary prevalent forms, harassment and discrimination based on someone's perceived relationship to Israel or based on their actual Israeli citizenship, or things like the use of Zionist as a slur, as if that's a bad thing to be a Zionist. Our finding made clear since October 7th, 2023, anti-Semitic speech and harassment in Massachusetts, K through 12 settings has had a particularly serious impact on Israeli American students, families and teachers, and the many Jewish students, families and teachers who have not lived in Israel but have a personal or religious connection to the state of Israel. And that antisemitism has a serious mental health impact on these people. This is a serious problem. I think that there is a serious misunderstanding about when antisemitism exists, and specifically today, when does speech relating to Israel cross a line?
When is it not merely legitimate criticism of policy, but what does it become offensive or biased in a form of antisemitism? And as one quick example, this morning we got a letter from some university professors who have problems with our work who appear to suggest that expression related to Israel can never amount to antisemitism. And these professors don't seem aware of the 1970s Soviet Union anti Jew propaganda. Things like ‘Zionism is racism’. Well, there's a long history of that, and there are many ways in which I believe it's well established that certain types of expression relating to Israel or Zionism can implicate antisemitism. So bottom line is there's misunderstanding. And to address that, I endorse and think it's really important that we have recommendation 1D, which is to recommend K through 12 education and training for all teachers and administrators to address all types of antisemitism, including contemporary antisemitism.
Second point I'd like to just make is that what we're trying to do here, I think is create a situation where schools treat reports and incidents seriously. That's what we should do. When someone says they have a problem and when they're a part of a tiny population that has experienced trauma and discrimination over the years, you should listen with empathy and take them seriously. And when students or families raise complaints, they shouldn't be met with gaslighting or a response by an administrator, that democracy can be messy, which is what we've seen in some cases, and we've seen some systemic problems in certain districts. There's also a lot of misunderstanding about the First Amendment. The First Amendment does not let educators run wild and introduce their personal political agendas in K through 12 classrooms or spread false propaganda. And the First Amendment also doesn't let students disrupt classrooms or disrupt the school setting or attack and harass students based on their identity.
So taken together, I believe various measures we have here can promote a culture change where schools talk clearly about antisemitism and enforce the law in clear ways with respect to these in all forms of hate and treat antisemitism seriously. And that includes attorney general guidance on First Amendment principles, attorney General and DESE guidance on investigating and responding to incidents and how that ought to happen, DESE guidance and frameworks and models on curriculum with respect to antisemitism and Jewish issues, dessi mechanisms to address problematic curriculum. My final point is I truly believe that we can help create a safe, secure, respectful environment for Jewish and Israeli American students and families and teachers at the expense of no one else, at the expense of no one else. Much antisemitism is rooted in ignorance from about what it means to be Jewish, ignorance about the history of antisemitism, ignorance about propaganda and blood libels over time against Jews.
And so our recommendations, as Chair Velis said, really address ignorance and bias through education, trying to use frameworks and model materials to teach facts and truth about history, about the nature of the hate, about the Holocaust using Jewish American Heritage Month. What the commission doesn't do, and I hope you've all read all eight pages, the dense text here, what we do not do is censor speech. We're not punishing or limiting any political advocacy, certainly not outside of schools and classrooms, which was really where political advocacy belongs. So many of our recommendations are universal. They involve improved reporting of all kinds of hate clarity for dealing with all kinds of hate, and that includes racism, Asian hate, L-G-B-T-Q, hate Islamophobia, not just antisemitism. And yet, before we issued a single recommendation, there were some critics complaining already that we would somehow interfere with people's right to engage in political advocacy and particularly to engage in advocacy, in support of Palestinian rights.
And I believe that's simply false. So our set of recommendations should help create a safe environment for Jewish and Israeli students and to do so in a way that doesn't hurt anyone else. This doesn't hurt or impinge the rights of Muslims or Palestinians, people who have ties to the Palestinian people who want to advocate for them. And I want to just add, as I emphasize, fighting hate is not a zero sum game. I want to make absolutely clear to everyone here that I support the rights and dignity of the Palestinian people and innocent Palestinians. And I recognize the tragic harm that so many Palestinians have faced in the past long ago recently. And today, my family, every single Jewish and Israeli American person that I know want the Palestinian people to live with dignity and human rights and freedom, and we pray for peace we have for decades, we can combat antisemitism and Jew hate here in the US and also respect and support the rights of Palestinians and anyone who cares about them.
And I want to just add, and I firmly believe that we're doing this here, advocacy for Palestinian rights doesn't justify bullying or harassment or discrimination or attacks against Jews or Israeli Americans. It doesn't give you an exception from existing law. Advocacy for Palestinian rights doesn't mean it's okay to demonize or delegitimize. Israel's very existence or deny Jews the right to self-determination in their ancestral homeland. And in fact, questioning Israel's right to exist now in the context of Hamas' attacks really can be count amount to supporting genocide. And that's the kind of violent rhetoric that has led to the violence that we're seeing today. Supporting Palestinian dignity and rights doesn't make it okay to use certain phrases like ‘from the river to the sea’ or ‘globalize the Intifada’ that for most Jews and Israeli Americans, not all but most, have a violent connotation, repeating language that Hamas and the Iranian regime have used.
These phrases trigger traumatic memories, and they're understood as direct threats to repeat globally. Some of the terrorist Intifada attacks that murdered hundreds of innocent Israelis, Americans blowing up pizza parlors, blowing up dance clubs, ultimately supporting Palestinian rights doesn't make it okay to say ‘We don't want no Zionists here.’
I'll just end by saying my father was a public college professor and he was a member of his teacher's union for decades. He like, I think all of us believe that Israel has a right to exist. So yes, he was a Zionist. We've heard a lot from a group that calls itself ‘Together for an Inclusive Massachusetts.’ And I'll just say that for members of that group to say, ‘we don't want no Zionists here’ is shameful antisemitic rhetoric, whether it's trying to exclude people from unions or from schools, that's not a way to build an inclusive Massachusetts. And so these recommendations we have shouldn't be controversial. If anything, I'm fearful, we may not go too far enough, but I think it's a great important first step to try to address the problems we're seeing today.
Rep. Cataldo :
Thank you, commissioner. Before we get to Commissioner Leikind, the senator and I, speaking of teachers union are championing MTA priority bill right upstairs. So we have to briefly leave to testify….
Rep. Cataldo:
Apologize about that.
Commission Friedman:
An audience member, when I referred to the Together for Inclusive Massachusetts, I didn't say or didn't mean to say that the entire group embraces certain things. A member of that group was the one who had said, we don't want no Zionists here, but I'm not ascribing that to the entire group. And so I wanted to clarify. I didn't mean to say that the entire Together for Inclusive Massachusetts had embraced that statement. And to be clear, when I talk about Zionists and my father, I don't personally support Zionists who use their beliefs to translate into violence against others or hate themselves. There shouldn't be room for hate of any sort in Massachusetts. So I wanted to clarify and I appreciate the audience members who've talked us between the break.
Rep. Cataldo:
Thank you, commissioner. Thank you, commissioner Leikind.
Commissioner Leikind:
Thank you. I just want to reiterate what's already been said thanks to co-chairs for the extraordinary work they've done on and for many of you who've been here at meeting, after meeting, after meeting, to not only offer testimony but to listen to testimony and try to digest the information with us. It's an enormous amount of information that we've received. Obviously some people will say there's more that we could get undoubtedly, but I think that the job that you've done in synthesizing and assimilating this is exceptional and I just want to reserve, there's a lot to be said and I'm sure a lot will be said, but just couple of comments. One is to say that, and this is a subject that's come up in various content, there are all kinds of biases that we as citizens of the Commonwealth, as citizens of the United States are concerned about. Our society only works well when those biases are recognized and addressed.
Antisemitism has many similarities with other forms of biases, but there are many things that in antisemitism which are unique, antisemitism is a condition of Western society. Its roots go back 2000 years. It is not just another form of hate that doesn't make it more important, less important, it's just a fact. And today, antisemitism over the last 10 years has become an urgent issue among Jews across the United States. The American Jewish Committee does an annual survey of Jewish opinion. 90% of American Jews today consider to be a significant issue. I offer that because it's also true and it's one of the things that we've learned in the work we do over the last several years is that many people who would never think of themselves as antisemitic know very little about Jews, know very little about Judaism and would have difficulty recognizing what may be antisemitic.
That doesn't make people antisemitic. It means that there's an information gap that needs to be addressed, and that is particularly true in K through 12 schools. One of the things that has become apparent is that many well-meaning educators, and we've heard testimony to that effect here, many well-meaning educators are overwhelmed by problems that occur and are not sure what to do. Many instances don't recognize what makes something antisemitic, how to deal with it on that basis. Very often we can debate whether being actually there's no debate, being critical of Israel is not antisemitic period, but the injection of politics into K through 12 programming, the injection of literature with clear political intents into classrooms, the efforts to do that make for a much more complicated and fraught campus environments, which raise questions about the role of educators and what do they do and how do they manage these things.
Those are becoming persistent problems in schools and problems that many educators want to avoid. What is I think significant about the recommendations that have been put together is it starts to create an information loop and structure for members for educators by suggesting that training is needed by suggesting that information about civil rights and basic civil rights and understanding what the role of an educator is in K through 12 on some of these issues and other recommendations start to provide structure. Let me speak to one specific item. One of the recommendations was in essence to create a feedback loop. So if there are concerns about curriculum, that those curriculum itself can be evaluated for whether or not it is appropriate or is generating bias in some fashion or not. I think that's a good idea. However, we do need to clarify what that mechanism is, what are the limitations to it, so we don't end up in situations where people use these kinds of complaints to settle scores with teachers or other things like that. But I think it's a legitimate thing to think about whether or not things are curriculum are operated within certain frameworks.
One final just observation, apropos of what I've been talking about. I know that some people have concerns about the IHRA definition. I will just express my personal view that the IHRA definition is extremely important because what it does is it provides specific tangible ways of recognizing what may be antisemitic. The IHRA definition is an educational tool. It's not intended to be codified. And most importantly, and I urge those who are skeptical to read it carefully, it doesn't say that anything is antisemitic. It simply says, if you think you have a concern, here are some symptoms of what could be. Go look. I offer that because it is a needed resource. We can talk about antisemitism, but if you can't give people guideposts to begin to recognize what may be antisemitic wouldn't generate a honest discussion, then it will make many of the other recommendations we have here more difficult to pursue. With that, let me pass it on.
…
Commissioner Kipnis:
Thank you. I just want to start by saying it's an honor to be here, to be part of this commission and thank Senate President Spilker for appointing me and trusting me to sit. I don't think mine's working. Can you hear me? Yes. Okay. Thank you.
Rep. Cataldo:
Yes, somebody was, everyone knows the microphones don't actually project into the room.
Commissioner Kipnis:
Yes. Somebody was just pointing. That's why I wanted to make sure it was still good. Okay. Thank you. And thank all the commissioners here and also to Senator Velis and to Representative Cataldo as well. And to all of you for being here. And I know that's been said, I'm trying not to repeat everything that everybody else has said, but being here showing up, I thought this was what all commission meetings were like, and I went to one actually on Capitol Hill and there was only four of us in the room. So it's really nice to live in Massachusetts with diversity, but also that we need to respect each other as well.
So our work on this commission was rooted with the simple truth. Antisemitism is rising here in Massachusetts and also across the country, and it's not just a Jewish issue. It's a threat to the values that we all hold dear, freedom, equality, and human dignity throughout our work. One message here became crystal clear to me, education is our strongest defense. That's why one of the commissions most urgent, at least I felt was the most urgent piece, was the K to 12 in the public schools. So when reading through this and I see that we're calling for Holocaust and Genocide education in middle schools, it's already been passed, but I like that we're going to have an advisory board and really hold that up. But another thing is it's not just about teaching the Holocaust or genocides as a footnote in history, but ensuring students to learn why it matters today as a foundational part of teaching students about human rights, justice and civic responsibility curriculum, we also need to make sure that there is curriculum for all ages, even in the much lower schools as well, that is age appropriate, inclusive and connected to the present.
Helping young people understand how the lessons of the past relate to hate bigotry and misinformation they may encounter online and in real life today, professional development, I was really glad to see and making sure that we're looking at resources for educators because we can't expect teachers to lead these conversations without the proper tools, training, and confidence to do so effectively. Teachers also, besides just teaching about the Holocaust, they also have to really understand what their responsibility is to each and every student.
So as you can see, we believe this work must start early because by the time besides just teaching about the Holocaust, they also have to really understand what their responsibility is to each and every student. So as you can see, we believe this work must start early because by the time hate takes root, it's often too late. If we want to raise a generation that stands up instead of stands by, as our commissioner Ker said, that was actually one of my recommendations as well. Bystanders, we must give them the knowledge, the context, and the moral compass to do so. These recommendations are about protecting the future. They're not about hurting the future or hurting another individual person. Massachusetts has the opportunity to ensure that every student, regardless of race, religion, sexual orientation, learn the truth, develop empathy, and understand the roles in building a just and inclusive society. So thank you very much. And oh, wait. There was one thing I did want to add that somebody, everything else, everybody so far touched on, but in the initial findings, number three, it says here, this includes but not limited to SWAs stick or graffiti holocaust jokes or denial. I'd like to see that rewritten as Holocaust jokes, distortion or denial. Thank you.
Rep Cataldo :
Thank you, commissioner. And also congratulations on the recent groundbreaking of Boston's first Holocaust museum just down the street. What an honor to be there for that. I was joking with my colleagues that even though I've been in the legislature for three years, this was the first groundbreaking because we don't build that many things in Concord, but in my district, I guess we can change that. But what an incredible ceremony, what an incredible project. What an honor to work with you on this special commission, and thank you for bringing the lens of Holocaust education into this work.
Commissioner Kaufman:
Yes, thank you. So in the interest of time and wanting my other commission colleagues to have the opportunity, I'll forego my gratitude, which is to all of you and to all of you as well as to the governor for appointing me and for being part of this meaningful work. I've done a lot in my world and being on this commission, hearing the testimony and holding that testimony in these deliberations has been one of the most meaningful things that I've done. I live in the Berkshires, I'm pleased there's Boston and then outside of Boston, which I would say there's Boston, Worcester, and all the way to the Berkshires, but I see that slice of it. But to see the full breadth of the community and the concerns and the opinion and the diversity has been really impactful. And I can only speak for myself to say that I do listen and I do hear, and I do think deeply and consider deeply all of what I've taken in over the last couple of months.
So what I would like to share, first of all is I deeply support all of the recommendations here. I have been working with schools for many, many years and my experience has always been that when things happen, people want to do the right thing. Nobody wants antisemitism, nobody wants hate in their schools, in their communities. But there has been, as this escalation has happened, a real lack of resources and tools and protocols and infrastructure to help our schools and do what they need to do and to provide the other part of work that needs to happen to really combat hate in a meaningful way and combat antisemitism. And I think that this is a real strong start for all of that. Peggy mentioned the bystanders, which I wholeheartedly support, and also the word of legitimate, distinct and legitimate hate. I think that is something that we really have not, has not been absorbed.
I think it has been absorbed in the Jewish community that it's a distinct and legitimate hate in the broader non-Jewish community. That sometimes gets overlooked for many reasons, but I think it's very important that it's clear and strong. The other part of this that I think is something that's missing is under section one in the recommendations we talked about the advisory Council, which I think is fabulous. This, that I think is something that's missing is under section one in the recommendations we talked about the Advisory council, which I think is fabulous in overseeing and tracking that implementation. But I think that we must go along with that needs to be an increase in funding for the Genocide Education Trust. When we heard the testimony of Commissioner Russell, I believe was his name, to hear that they have so many more requests from school districts for funding to help fulfill this mandate than what they actually have money for.
So we are saying this needs to happen and it's important, but we also need to be able to fund it for these schools. And there are schools across Massachusetts that are big schools with larger budgets and lots of resources. But I have to tell you, outside of the eastern part of the state, there are many more schools that are small that don't have budgets, that don't have the same access to resources. And so I think that's a real critical part of this. The other part that I was concerned about, and this is just from personal experience, is the section, I'm sorry, I'll find it where we talk about the reporting on curriculum is important, but also the reporting to DESI of bias based incidents in the further, faster, or even brought to light in general. So that was another area, a real fear of retribution for reporting in your school.
Fear that somebody's going to find out that it was you that told on so-and-so. Oftentimes it's not until it comes home to a family that a parent hears about it or one kid told another kid and that kid told their parents and the parents reached out. There's this whole chain, some kind of reporting that might be an anonymous reporting within the school district, I think would be very effective for the schools. And I'm not sure if this can be something that can come down from DESE or a platform that DESE could provide to the schools, but in schools that have this, and I do have schools in my district that have this, it has actually been very helpful for this information to be brought to light a little bit that I thought needs strengthening. And then in the very last section, measures to build cross communal solidarity and collective action to counter hate.
I'm not sure about the language where we say multi-faith or cross communal, and I'm not sure if that's meant within the school community or the broader community, but multifaith, in my mind, it's cross identity. It's sharing those stories from students that are Jewish, that are Muslim, that are black, that are Asian, that are LGBT and immigrant voices. The most powerful thing that I have seen work in young people and in schools is when I as a Jewish person, am hearing the story of a Muslim person, a black person, an immigrant story of how identity-based hate is impacting them and how this is impacting their families. And to have that same opportunity to share how antisemitism impacts personally. So I don't know if multi-faith or multi identity or cross identity might be a better choice of words in strengthening that section, but those are the three key things that I thought would be relevant in this case. Thank
Mayor Fuller:
A few thoughts. It is important and necessary that there is this commission. It does not by lifting up and spotlighting antisemitism, and this particular form of hate does not mean that there are not other forms of hate, but it is given the urgency and the escalation. Thank you for all of you who made this commission come about to all of you who keep showing up, I know I recognize lots of you now. It's important that you have to our co-chairs. I'm really grateful that you put out a draft and that you did it early and that you are open to ideas and edits and thoughts. Bravo. Often these things come out at the very last meeting and there's no time to think. And please, I'll reserve the right. Yep, I got it Monday. I read it carefully, reread it carefully, but I feel like I need to think a little bit more. So we'll get some more comments to you.
I want to pick up on something that Commissioner Kaufman just said. I would not be a mayor and representing cities and towns if I did not use the word unfunded mandates. Just be super careful of requiring school districts and cities to do something with no funding attached to us to it. I promise you, the vast majority of public school systems now are under a lot of financial pressure, as are the vast majority of cities and towns. So if we're using the word requiring training or expanding mental health services, let's just think carefully about it. I do think we have to look through the words again probably again and again and be super careful. There are times when the numbers are described in ways the use of the word sum or large or pervasive or extensive. We just have to be super careful that the data actually backs up the use of the words. That's just one example.
I want to repeat what commissioner like and we get comments from the concerned Jewish faculty or together for an inclusive Massachusetts antisemitic. So that we just have to be super careful how we frame that in the document and in our education. I will speak for Newton. We have a wide range of views, certainly among our Jewish members of the community, much less across all faith traditions. I want to say that we have to thoughtfully and with no bias, look at what you said, read it, think about it and not dismiss it. So that I've gotten feedback from both groups.
I think all commission members have to read that. I don't know if the Tim made it to all commission members. It should. And we all have to be open to these ideas. I want to lift up that the tensions that we're feeling in this room, because all of us who are on this side of the desk are watching the body language over there. And we're seeing when a comment is made, sometimes heads are going this way and sometimes heads are going that way. We can see the frowns and the smiles, the tensions that we feel in this room are exactly what our teachers are feeling. It's an incredibly hard job to be a teacher right now and to know how to talk. It's hard enough to talk about history, but to talk about current events is so fraught right now.
We have experts who have done this in DESE. I encourage us to get some feedback directly from DESE on the ideas embedded in here, what's doable, what works for them Perhaps from the Superintendent's Association, perhaps from the Mass Association of School Committees. You've got a lot of people who think about this all the time. I would proactively reach out to 'em. They can do it in writing. They can do it publicly, whichever works. The IHRA definition, I actually thought it was very carefully referenced in here. It was informed by it. Didn't say that must be the definition. It is a lightning rod. We all know that.
Should it stay in here with the words informed by perhaps, but think about one more time. It immediately turns off a certain portion of the readers and the audience for this. I thought it was pretty carefully done, but still, I'll just add one last thing. The reporting element in the recommendations here. City of Newton, we've been reporting for quite a few years to the District Attorney's office and to a DL. Whenever we have a hate instant or a hate crime, it really helps. For those of you worried about privacy, we're very careful about privacy. We're not saying X person did this to Y person. It's the statement of what happened. So the privacy concern, I don't think people need to be worried about, but you've got to report on this. The community needs to know, the school community needs to know, the particular grade level needs to know you've got to shine a light on this. And having it also go to DESI or Attorney General, whoever it is, is a really good idea to get that this is not shameful this to report what is happening. It is helping us address the reality of our children's lives.
Thank you for starting with K through 12. It's the most important thing that every city and town does. Our public schools, this matters. This is important. Commissioner Kipnis said it well, it is fitting and proper that you started right here. Thank you.
Commissioner Burton:
Thank you to the chairs. One of the advantages or disadvantages for those of us at this end of the day is that much if not everything that needs to be said has already been said by the time we've gotten down here. So I would like to just begin by echoing and saying that I largely agree with so much of what has been offered in support of the recommendations as presented. And also rather than thank a whole bunch of people just to name and thank particularly the staff of the offices of Senator Velis and Representative Cataldo who have taken on the work of this commission in addition to all of their other responsibilities over the last year with real grace and diligence. And so thank you to them as well as to the chairs and everybody else in this process.
Let me begin by saying that one of the things definitions have come up, and I particularly appreciate what Commissioner Leikind said about the nature of antisemitism historically in Western civilization. And so I want to just add and echo what Commissioner Leikind said to really make it explicit that at its base antisemitism in Western civilization is and has been for the better part of 2000 years, A conspiracy theory. A conspiracy theory about the other, their power, their role in society, their influence over the function of society to nefarious ends. That is what it is. And in any given time and in any given place, that nefarious conspiracy theory morphs and metastasizes in order to address whatever people in any particular place and time feels is their particular grievance with society. And to allow a conspiracy theory to answer the who is responsible for my grievances. And what is interesting is that over the last year, beginning with the process by which the legislature debated and created this commission, and then the governor was lobbied by some, including some in this room to not some to veto this commission and then to some of what we have heard and materials that continue to circulate to this day is that this commission itself has become a validator of the nature of conspiracy theories about Jews in Western civilization and in our commonwealth.
And so I just want to lift that up and name that as a way of looking critically at some of what is being said or has been said about our work, what we are attempting to do, what we are charged with doing. And to name, and I really appreciate and I'm moving towards the document, so what I really appreciate is the structure of this document that reminds both us and the public that the charge of this commission is not to implement some project named after a biblical queen or some agenda of a government that was inaugurated only within the last six months or so, but was rather established last year with the charge of implementing the Biden Harris national strategy for confronting and combating antisemitism. And that the structure of these recommendations follows the four categories of that document and not of any other document or group.
And it is worth reiterating and affirming that our charge is in service to a particular national strategy and not to whatever other national strategies or agendas other people in this room may have put upon us with whatever conspiratorial assumptions. And so I really appreciate the overall structure of this document and the approach that it has taken to providing concrete approaches here in Massachusetts based on the legislative charge to this commission. And what I appreciate as well is that the recommendations are clear and actionable so that the state, through its various agencies and departments and communities funded or unfunded, I take that for what it is, can act on them to address antisemitism and other forms of hate and bias in meaningful and concrete ways. And I think that is the test of will we have succeeded as a commission is have we provided those clear actionable recommendations that can be measured down the line.
And so to the point of measurement, my only suggestion if we are continuing to tweak this in the coming days, not months, is that we look at each of the recommendations and maybe invite in particular some of the agencies like DESE or the Attorney General's office that have recommendations directed to them to invite them or ourselves to think about are there time bound elements to some of the recommendations that might be added, for example, to say that such and such recommendation within the next academic year or this recommendation could be a pilot to be initiated within the next six months so that when this commission ends its work in November, there is a mechanism within these recommendations that allows us as individuals and the public to come back and see is this being acted upon in a timely manner with the intent that the legislature and the governor had when they created this commission last year.
And then finally, I just want to lift up in particular to give a bump to recommendation three B, which will make a real difference. And I would say that DESE has already done this for other communities and other identities, and I think it is a place where it is an example of what can be impactful and accomplishable where we can move forward with it. And I also want to lift up 3G as a particularly helpful model of what we could put forward and make more broadly known and available to school districts throughout the Commonwealth. So I really congratulate the chairs, their staff and all of those who had a hand in this process and in putting this forward. And I thank you.
Commissioner Memmolo:
Thank you. And I want to sort of echo the sentiments of thanks to the chairs in particular for all the work that they've done. Okay. Figured that was going to be an issue in this room. So for me in particular, this has been an education in and of itself, especially as we're talking about K through 12. This is an area that the MCAD doesn't generally have much, if any jurisdiction. So truly the individuals that have presented here before this commission, the public that has given their thoughts and ideas about antisemitism as it pertains to K through 12 for me, has been an incredible education. And I am grateful to all of you that have presented and discussed with this commission. What has struck me is even in character and captured in this document is sort of the realization that there is no standard, there's no standard of reporting.
I've listened to testimony of individuals that have been here telling us how difficult it is to know where to even go to report an incident of discrimination, antisemitism, things of that nature. We've had the attorney general's office, we've listened to DESE. It seems to me that it's very confusing, if not untenable in most ways. It seems that there's no model policy for school districts. And I really truly appreciate the mayor's sentiments and that have been echoed by other commissioners about the difficulties of school districts and the difficult job of being an educator. But from my perspective of trying to standardize a reporting mechanism for discrimination in K through 12, I think would be hest and be very helpful to this commission really reviewing current civil rights laws, anti-discrimination laws to establish a centralized agency with charged with not. And we do talk about we reporting and data collection, but where's the charge of receiving and investigating?
And that I think is a preeminent issue that's missing from this document. So being really able to set up a mechanism for individuals to know where to go I, the US Department of Education in so far as that entity will even exist moving forward with their civil rights unit has been traditionally an area for folks to go. But again, with the great unknown, really having Massachusetts stuff up and be a leader in this and trying to find some consistency and standardization for individuals that encounter this particularly in elementary and secondary education. And I think this is an even greater discussion once we do talk about higher education as well. So I think from my, again, humble opinion relative to this and what I've seen as an individual, as an agency that investigates complaints of discrimination, I think this would be a worthwhile endeavor for this commission to consider. So again, setting up a standardized agency, a centralized agency in the establishment of a model policy that all school districts would be able to avail themselves of to help them navigate these very difficult and things that come before them with obviously the requisite training that's already set out in this document. So I thank you. Thank you.
Chief Fowler:
Thank you so much. Thank you. I too want to applaud the efforts of the co-chairs. I've been a police officer for 38 years, the chief for the last 13. This was extremely eyeopening. I'll keep my suggestions brief. I think the best place to insert what I'm going to suggest is in two A where it talks about reporting. We've heard an awful lot about reporting. I would strongly recommend, or I'd like to see a strong recommendation if not a mandate that local law enforcement get notified of these incidents. And it's not necessarily to take law enforcement, action officers can mediate SROs, have the local knowledge in the schools. We heard from several different people that the police were involved very late in the game because of a stigma about reporting. It kind of speaks to the heart of community policing to let us know early on. Like I said, it doesn't have to be enforcement, it could be mediation. Many police departments have a co response model, so you have a clinician that could respond with an SRO, keeping the best interests of the victim in mind and their wellbeing. So my colleague just mentioned where do we go to report it? I think a good place to start is local law enforcement. The mayor mentioned that as well.
Our job has expanded so much farther than just enforcing laws. We've become community caretakers. And I think that's part of what we could do to help assist with this. So thank you.
Rep Cataldo:
Thank you. We're going to go on my, we're going to start with Representative Howett.
Rep. Howitt:
Thank you, Mr. Chair. And I echo many of my colleagues on the commission, the work that you and Chairman Velis have done, just even in putting this commission together, thanking the Senate president as well as the house speaker to address this issue. I look at section three, the issue of reporting an issue as we're all aware school systems have the future of the children in their hands. And if someone has a situation in many cases as that number five, excuse me, it's the reporting. And again, Commissioner Kaufman and the chief and and the gentleman, the commissioner from the discrimination, that is what people are afraid of reporting. Because what happens if it gets back to the teacher that someone made a claim or an accusation, whether true or not, it could affect the person's position in the class. And as we've seen, it doesn't matter whether it's high school or an elementary school, it's very important for these students to feel comfortable and not afraid to go to their parents and say, this is an issue.
So I think that one may need to be strengthened. I think as the chief said, reporting to the local police department is also important, but I think there needs to be some bite in there, some investigation as Commissioner Kaufman has stated. And that would be my recommendation, that we need to protect the person who is the whistleblower, that there is a problem. And if their problem continues, we need to have some sort of a bite where some discipline needs to be meted out. And those are my thoughts and I appreciate being on this commission, and I feel very honored with the esteemed colleagues that I have on the commission. Thank you.
Rep.Cataldo:
Thanks, representative. Thank you, representative. It's likewise an honor to work with you. We have Commissioner Polansky online, I believe.
Commissioner Polansky:
Okay. Thank you. Thank you. First of all, I would like to thank the entire group for the collegiality and for the thoughtful reflection that's gone into this process. There's been a lot of deep and challenging conversation that has taken place, and I think it's been done in a thoughtful manner. I'm grateful for that. Much like my good friend Jeremy articulated earlier, a lot of what I feel needed to be said has already been said, and I have a deep appreciation for that. I said on day one, when we go through this process, it's really important that every student who walks through our front doors can do so and feel like a million bucks to just put it into a cliche statement. I believe the regulations have been written in a manner that uphold the importance of that statement. And I have a deep appreciation for that. I think that to open up this process after we look at the regulations and someone alluded to the fact that that will take place will be another important piece because to hear voices listen to it back and then return to the table will prove to be of great importance. And so thank you to everyone who has contributed. I think a lot of fantastic ideas have come to the forefront and I'm greatly appreciative for having had the opportunity to represent MASS as part of the process. So thank you.
Rep Cataldo:
Thank you. Thank you Commissioner. And I believe we have Commissioner Sampson online as well.
Commission Sampson:
Yes, good afternoon. I would echo many of my colleagues today. I think it would be really important to meet with DESE directly as I'm the DESE representative on this commission. And I think that we have many areas of commonality, but there would be some distinctions that we would like to make about the recommendations. So I would encourage a separate meeting with DESE as well to discuss the recommendations in greater detail.
Rep. Cataldo:
Great. Is there anyone else online? Alright, I want, we went in an order and I just want to open up the opportunity for anyone to speak again in response. Other thoughts may have come in mind, but to mind. So please, we can just go by raising your hand now. If there's anything else that anyone would like to say. Yes,
Commissioner Shukur:
I'll come back to the beginning here. I don't have a fully formed view on this, but we've talked about education for students, we've talked about education for educators, but a lot of curriculum decisions are also in the hands of school committees. And we haven't talked about anti-bias education for that population. And I don't know if that's something that's possible, but it seems that perhaps that's something that the strong minds on this commission could discuss. So I wanted to just get that on the table. The second piece is the issue of digital literacy at a moment when misinformation and disinformation about antisemitism and a whole lot of other things is getting more pervasive and is really outstripping existing structures and being able to deal with it. And again, I don't know how to get ahead of that, but it seems like that's something that this commission ought to spend some time discussing.
And the third thing to piggyback a bit on what Commissioner Burton said about timetables is related. We've learned a lot and heard a lot about how antisemitism is very shape-shifting over time, over 2000 years as has been pointed out. And over the course of even the nine months we've been meeting as a commission, there've been new and distinct manifestations that we couldn't have imagined when we started or when this commission was first formed. How do we continue to stay abreast of those changes and make necessary pivots or enhancements or changes to recommendations to meet the moment?
Rep. Cataldo:
Thank you, commissioner. I do just want to, in response to the first two points, direct your and everyone's attention to 1D, which recommends that public schools institute mandatory anti-bias education for school committees and all K through 12 faculty and administrators, that includes antisemitism. I point that out mindful of the comment that was made about unfunded mandates. And I know that that's a discussion we're going to continue to need to have. I want to emphasize that these are recommendations. So they're not, the mandate portion is not relevant into this discussion. One thing that we have learned repeatedly is that schools that do mandate all of these things, including school districts that have repeated antisemitic incidents, do not include training on antisemitism. Let me just say that again. We have learned through the approximately 27 hours of hearing testimony that many districts, including the wealthiest, most privileged districts in Massachusetts, mandate everything that is in D and include in that specific training on specific types of hate against specific groups and do not include anything about antisemitism even though in those same districts there is a demonstrated track record of antisemitic incidents. Accordingly, we are putting out recommendations. We will put out recommendations if the chairs have anything to do it with it. We will put out recommendations this summer and this recommendations will state very clearly that the conditions that I just described are completely unacceptable.
Sen. Velis:
It is absolutely. You done, sorry. It is absolutely mind boggling to me. Just to echo what the rep just said, that in many of our schools throughout the commonwealth where bias and hate is taught that antisemitism isn't part of that. Again, world's most ancient hatred just doesn't make sense to me. To say it's counterintuitive is a profound understatement and shame on all the school districts who haven't let that be the case. Peggy, to the other question, if you go above that, that was 1D, when we get into the training for the school committees above that oneCharlie, one C, we talk about digital literacy, just kind of bringing it to your attention, everybody else. But I would just say to your point, and I think this was very illuminating for me, that early on in these conversations, I had a discussion with someone that I just want to be very mindful and let you know that notwithstanding anything you do in the K through 12 space, if you don't figure out what goes on this thing, good luck.
So again, it's a combined effort. Obviously K through 12 is paramount and I would argue it's inextricably related to digital literacy, but it's certainly lost on no one in this committee that social media, digital literacy, it is the wild, wild west out there. And I guess I would be remiss if I didn't say that. Kind of putting on my other hat, I'm also the senate co-chair of the Mental Health Substance Use and Recovery Committee. And one of the things that quite literally keeps me up at night that we've touched on a little bit today, we are so in the middle of this right now. A lot of times those second order effects, those collateral consequences, if you will, of everything that we're seeing right now. We haven't begun to stretch the surface on the mental health impacts of what's happening out there. I have had some meetings with students in K through 12 and higher education and what they have explained to me they have experienced is insane. Some of the most disgusting, repulsive things I've ever heard one human being to do to another. So I just want to highlight and elevate that the behavioral health, the mental health portion of this is something which is again, inextricably tied to digital literacy raising an awareness. But again, it's certainly not lost in anyone digital literacy.
Commission Shukur :
No, and my point on that one was to actually strengthen that language to make it both drawing on Commissioner Fuller's point, a funded mandate, but as currently worded, that might apply to the schools that are already doing it. But I think we all know that there are many schools that don't have the capacity right now or the resources to, but that is a lurking issue that I hope we can strengthen the language on because I think it is a very much a driver of what we're seeing.
Sen. Velis:
And I guess one other thing, and I apologize now for talking too much, having passed over before. So my district, as many of you know, do not know I'm from the western part of the state. I don't have a district that has a significant population of Jewish folks. And I think one of the challenges in those scenarios is that there is a dearth of information on this topic, and I've absolutely found that to be the case in my district. So I would argue one of the most compelling reasons why there needs to be some guidance irrespective of the cost that undoubtedly we need to contemplate, is that when I go back to my part of the state and certain communities that I represent, there's not a lot of situational awareness on this at all. And again, what happens in those scenarios is vacuums are created and when vacuums are created, and in my experience, what fills it, this type of stuff.
Chief Fowler:
Briefly, one thing I forgot to mention I think is pertinent for this commission to know is when Governor Baker was in office, he mandated that each police department identify and train a civil rights officer to investigate hate bias crimes. So the infrastructure's there, they train annually, and it's not only on how to investigate it, it's also a confidentiality, keeping the wellness of the victim in mind, things like that. So the infrastructure is there when it comes to the reporting part and you have some trained officers throughout the state. Thank you, mayor.
Mayor Fuller:
Just to build on what Commissioner Shukur said and the follow up on it, I'll just, all of us believe in anti-biased training. We'll want to hear from DESE because oddly enough, school committees don't choose curriculum that's done by the superintendents. That's oddly enough not what they do. We do want unbiased, anti-biased city counselors, mayors, school committees, et cetera. But the overlap with curriculum, we'll just get some input from DESE on every school district across the state now is digging into digital literacy. And we're starting at very young ages. It's in elementary school now, misinformation, disinformation, the cell phones, ai, writing a paper, it's, again, talking this through with DESE will be very important. It is ripe for work. And for those of you who are elected officials at the state level, watch carefully and please support putting away cell phones when you're in a school building or certainly in a classroom that will be an enormously helpful step forward for our students. But learning how to use it once you get out of the classroom and leave for the day is really important.
Commissioner Leikind:
I just wanted to flag an issue, which I think is a subtext for much of the conversation we're having. There are all kinds of efforts that are happening here in Massachusetts, but also around the country to enter into preferred ideologies, preferred political views into the classroom. There are literally industries devoted to creating children's books that were oriented to classrooms. And we're talking about everything from Christian nationalism to pro-Palestinian literature, which are finding its way in, I'm raising this because there's nothing inherently wrong with any of this literature. The question is when there are aggressive efforts to mix them with curricula and that's when a lot of the discussions that we're having here come to the fore classrooms. I think 3G in our things talks about classrooms being fact-based. They're being neutral environments where diverse points of view can be heard and talked about. And I think that we see that there are curriculars such as liberated ethnic studies which get put together, which have expressed not subtle at all points of view that they try to bring in.
They're literally calling them truths. And I think that this is a threat to education as we know it, but it also spawns tensions. It spawns debates about issues that could be talked about in a different way in the context of a serious classroom. There's a kind of a gorilla warfare that starts taking place in the schools and the classrooms become the forum for debates that belong outside the classroom. The classrooms should be, you can have debates, particularly when you get the higher grades, but the classrooms themselves should be places where teachers are just passionate where both sides or multiple sides, your content is presented. And we ultimately, we're looking to students to develop their own opinions, not to be told what to think. This isn't an argument for any side in any political argument. It's an argument for sustaining the kind of schools that liberal democracies call for.
I think that political efforts to influence what goes on in the classrooms, and this has been true here in Massachusetts and several districts, political efforts to do that sometimes by teachers, sometimes by parents, sometimes the outside groups do a harm and light a match to tensions that already exist in the community. And I don't know how we want addresses this in the context of the recommendations here, but I think it would be important to find ways to do it. I think the best vehicle for that might be 3G, but it may be that there are ways to embellish 3G to strengthen it so that we really preserve the idea that our classrooms are not centers for political advocacy. They may be centers for diverse opinions, but the teachers curricula should be about informing, not persuading.
Sen. Velis:
I would just say that obviously we've had dialogue today as members of the commission back and forth, but for folks who are out there in the community who want to continue to make your thoughts known and please, obviously, I can assure you, we are reading all of them, so thank you for sending them. Obviously there's a lot of information and I just really, really, really appreciate whether you agree with the recommendations you don't, whatever your persuasion is. I really participate folks participating in this process. It means a lot and thank you.
Rep. Cataldo:
Alright, with that I'm going to move to adjourn our meeting.
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